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Conservative Party Leadership Election
#1
The Conservative Party Leadership Election rules are as follows:

Timeline

Nominations are open from now until Saturday 22nd September at 1:30 pm BST  (as a note for me, that's 8:30 AM EDT)
24 hours of campaigning from Saturday 22nd at pm BST until 2 pm BST Sunday 23rd (9:00 AM EDT both days)
Players' votes must be submitted before Sunday at 5 pm BST (12:00 EDT)
Results will be declared on Sunday evening , time to be announced.

All times in British Summer Time.

Nomination

- Each candidate requires a nomination and a seconder.
- Candidates may nominate themselves or second themselves, but not both.
- Nominations must be made using the following form

Quote:Name of Candidate:

Name of Proposer:
Name of Seconder:
Declaration of Candidate's consent:


Campaigning

In 1992, the Conservative Party rules for selecting a leader were more simple... if not less democratic. Only MPs can vote for the Party leader. Normally this would require the successful candidate to not ONLY win an absolute majority of MP votes, but to also get at least 15% MORE votes than the runner up (so 50% + 1 + 15% of the 272 MPs for a minimum of 178 votes assuming all MPs vote and there are no abstentions or spoiled ballots). If no one wins a majority, there is a second ballot a week later- which of course is not conducive to getting the game moving. So we'll simulate the votes of MPs through "campaigning," just as though you're going out to the party membership at large. 

During the 24 hour campaigning period, each candidate has 6 "hours" of campaigning time to spend. MPs other than the candidates each have 2 "hours" to spend, and may wish to use these to help their preferred candidate. Campaigning time can be spent as follows:

Speech: 2 hours
Canvassing: 1 hour
Poster/Leaflet: 1 hour

Canvassing here means a summary of a conversation with an MP on three policy areas, either in a bullet point description or through a script of talking points the candidate would use. And you can always make promises... though know that it might come back to haunt you later! 

Voting

Players' votes must be submitted via Private Message here on the forum, not on Telegram, to both Addie and Dan. Votes must be received by Sunday, 23rd September, at 5 pm BST in order to be counted.

The results of the MPs vote will be calculated based on players' factions and influence, as well as of any submitted campaign material to help swing along those other MPs that might be undecided. 
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Thanks given by:
#2
Name of Candidate: Sir Dylan Macmillan

Name of Proposer: Sir Jonathon Horncastle
Name of Seconder: Edward Winter
Declaration of Candidate's consent: I consent
The Rt Hon Sir Dylan Macmillan MP
MP for Bedfordshire Mid (1983-Present)

Leader of Her Majesty's Most Loyal Opposition (1992-Present)
Secretary of State for Energy 1987-1990

@Dylan_Macmillan
Reply
Thanks given by: Richard De Villiers (CON)
#3
With no other declared player candidates, Sir Dylan Macmillan is the only candidate for the leadership of the Conservatives. By Party rules, the nomination immediately goes to MPs for a vote, and Sir Dylan is approved quickly and in acclamation. Congratulations, Sir Dylan!

As Labour is in the midst of a leadership contest (and this contest is over because no one else declared), Sir Dylan is IC officially the leader of the Conservatives. But there will be no positive marks given to any argument about how "Labour can't make up its mind" just because there is competition going on there. This isn't to pull away from this important and meaningful victory, however.
Reply
Thanks given by: Richard De Villiers (CON)
#4
Following Sir Dylan's resignation, you are leaderless

The Conservative Party Leadership Election rules are as follows:

Timeline

Nominations are open from now until Friday 5th October at 1:30 pm BST  
48hours of campaigning from Friday 5th at 1.30pm BST until 1.30 pm BST Sunday 6th 
Players' votes must be submitted before Sunday at 1.30 pm BST
Results will be declared on Sunday afternoon at 3pm BST

All times in British Summer Time.

Nomination

- Each candidate requires a nomination, a seconder is NOT required.
- Candidates may propose themselves, or others may propose them.
- Nominations must be made using the following form

Quote:Name of Candidate:
Name of Proposer:
Declaration of Candidate's consent:

Campaigning

In 1992, the Conservative Party rules for selecting a leader were more simple... if not less democratic. Only MPs can vote for the Party leader. Normally this would require the successful candidate to not ONLY win an absolute majority of MP votes, but to also get at least 15% MORE votes than the runner up (so 50% + 1 + 15% of the 272 MPs for a minimum of 178 votes assuming all MPs vote and there are no abstentions or spoiled ballots). If no one wins a majority, there is a second ballot a week later- which of course is not conducive to getting the game moving. So we'll simulate the votes of MPs through "campaigning," just as though you're going out to the party membership at large. 

During the 24 hour campaigning period, each candidate has 6 "hours" of campaigning time to spend. MPs other than the candidates each have 2 "hours" to spend, and may wish to use these to help their preferred candidate. Campaigning time can be spent as follows:

Speech: 2 hours
Canvassing: 1 hour
Poster/Leaflet: 1 hour

Canvassing here means a summary of a conversation with an MP on three policy areas, either in a bullet point description or through a script of talking points the candidate would use. And you can always make promises... though know that it might come back to haunt you later! 

Voting

Players' votes must be submitted via Private Message here on the forum, not on Telegram, to both Addie and Dan. Votes must be received by Sunday, 6th October, at 1.30pm BST in order to be counted.

The results of the MPs vote will be calculated based on players' factions and influence, as well as of any submitted campaign material to help swing along those other MPs that might be undecided. 
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Thanks given by:
#5
Name of Candidate: Calum Douglas Wilson MP
Name of Proposer: Calum Douglas Wilson MP
Declaration of Candidate's consent: I consent
Calum Douglas Wilson MP
Fmr. Shadow Home Secretary (1992)
Fmr. Conservative Party Chief Whip (1992)
Conservative and Unionist Party
Monday Club
MP for Windsor & Maidenhead

Reply
Thanks given by: Richard De Villiers (CON)
#6
Name of Candidate: Michael Portillo
Name of Proposer: Michael Portillo
Declaration of Candidate's consent: I Consent
Dan

Head Administrator (For all game matters)

PoliticsUK

"Si vis pacem, para bellum" 
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Thanks given by:
#7
Name of Candidate: Harold Jones MP
Name of Proposer: Harold Jones MP
Declaration of Candidate's consent: I consent
Harold Jones MP
Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer 
MP for Solihull
Conservative
Reply
Thanks given by:
#8
Name of Candidate: James Yates MP
Name of Proposer: James Yates MP
Declaration of Candidate's consent: I consent
[Image: 2ez3gwn.png]
Rt Hon. James Yates PC, MP
Member of Parliament for Ryedale

Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs
Reply
Thanks given by:
#9
Name of Candidate: Nicholas Wandsworth
Name of Proposer: Nicholas Wandsworth
Declaration of Candidates Consent: I consent
Nicholas Wandsworth
Leader of the Opposition (1992-)
Member of Parliament for North Wiltshire (1983-)


Conservative and Unionist Party - Conservative Way Forward
 


Reply
Thanks given by:
#10
Speech - 2 hours

Ladies and gentlemen,

I stand before you honoured, as ever, to be a member of the Conservative Party. This party, which expanded the realms of opportunity to millions; which took our country from a condition of sickness and decline to a position of power and strength; which gave hundreds of thousands of people the unprecedented opportunity of home ownership for the first time: this party has always been the party of opportunity, and we should be proud of our record in government.

But we must acknowledge what happened in the election this year. We lost: we lost because we lost the arguments. We lost the battle for hearts and minds. We lost because people felt that after 13 years of Conservative government, they wanted a change in politics: they wanted a change in society. But they did not want to give the government a blank cheque, and our role over the next four years as Conservatives is to hold the government firmly and fiercely to account. We must hold the Prime Minister’s feet to the fire and ensure that Labour is delivering on its commitments to the British people: first and foremost, that it is doing what it has always claimed to do - helping the most vulnerable, crushing intolerance, quashing injustice. Those are not values that are unique to the Labour Party, but they are values which Labour put at the centre of their campaign. And we must ensure that when the next election comes calling, the British people know that they can trust us once more to see this country through - to do right by the many, not the few, and to create in Britain a fairer, freer, more prosperous nation.

But enough of platitudes. If there’s one thing I can tell you, folks, it’s that I like being frank. I’m a straight talker. So I want to talk quite plainly about the policies that I would seek to promote as leader of the Conservative Party.

Today, I should like to talk about foreign policy.

I believe that Britain should be a force to be reckoned with in the world. The United Kingdom should be a leader in NATO, in the Commonwealth and in Europe. We should be a world-leading and world-beating economy; a beacon for freedom and democracy around the globe, and an ardent protector and promoter of our values.

Je suis européenne. J'ai toujours été européen. Je serai toujours européen. Mais je suis britannique et britannique en premier.

Britain is a part of the material of Europe; an essential fibre in the thread which binds our continent of likeminded souls together. We British have fought for the freedom of nation states in Europe twice in this century, and we would readily fight again if the call to arms came. For liberty, justice and honour: for freedom, for freedom of the individual and of the nation state.

But freedom and unity are not opposite ends of a spectrum; rather, they are two sides of the same coin. That coin is our European partnership, the great project of the European Economic Community, which brings the people of Europe ever closer and makes impossible the prospect of another war between friends. We in Europe are born of the same stock, and bred of the same values. We believe in democracy, in the rule of law, in equality before the law, and in our international obligations to peace, freedom and security. We are allies in a common cause: a just cause, a noble cause: the cause of fraternity and friendship.

My policy is to pursue an entente amicale with our allies in Europe. We want to be an active and leading member of the European community, as we have always been. It was Britain that championed the single market, which rapidly nears completion. It was Britain that fought for the expansion of Europe to include yet more friends, and we are beginning to see the fruits of that effort. It was Britain that joined the EEC as the sick man of Europe, and which today is one of the leading economies in our community and the world. Britain’s past, present and future is Europe’s past, present and future. We have stood steadfastly in the way of despots who sought to ravage Europe’s future, and we stand steadfastly in the way today.

Today’s despot is not a political leader or a movement, but a concept. Today’s despot is parochialism and protectionism; it is a racket of self-interest which denies prosperity to the masses. The Conservative commitment under my leadership will be to quash and crush protectionism, and to usher in an era of free trade. Our aim will be to lead the European Economic Community into new free trade agreements with nations around the world, to strengthen the ties between Europe and the rest of the world, and to build a network of trading relationships that will deliver prosperity and jobs for people all around the world. My vision for Europe is a vision of a Global Europe: an Open Europe, open to investment and industry, open to innovation and skills, open, in short, to the future. I will push for lower common external tariffs, a large-scale push for free trade deals around the world, the expansion of the single market and, in particular, mutual recognition agreements with our Commonwealth partners: Britain stands uniquely placed to serve as a bridge between Europe and the Commonwealth, and I want to see a Commonwealth Free Trade Area established in partnership with the European Economic Community as quickly as possible.

But what of Britain’s own place in this new Europe? I am committed totally to Europe - but I want to be in Europe as partners, not run by Europe as followers. I reject further political integration, the extension of qualified majority voting, and the increasing power of the Parliament and the Commission. I say, as Mrs Thatcher did, no, no, no, to a European superstate. I believe that nation states must hold the balance of power, and that national Parliaments must be sovereign above all else.

But economic integration brings immense opportunities, and we Conservatives should welcome it. We brought Britain into the exchange rates mechanism and are committed to economic and monetary union, in as much as the establishment of a single currency across member states. But I respond with words of caution for those who wish to proceed along this road too quickly; for there is great danger in haste, and it is necessary for all of the countries of Europe to lower their rates of inflation before monetary policy can be completely harmonised. The ERM is a mechanism by which we may do so, and it is working.

Finally, I believe passionately in closer collaboration on defence and security with our European partners. I would like to see the resources of our intelligence communities pooled and shared, in much the same way as our own British intelligence is shared with the United States. This will make us all stronger and, God willing, safer.

We must not pretend that Europe is our only partner, or the European nations our only friends. Our relationship with Commonwealth partners, with China and Japan, with the new, free Russia, and of course with our premier allies - the United States - are of paramount and increasing importance.

I want to see Russia fully integrated into the new, post-Communist world; joining together with the west to share in the spoils of mutually beneficial trade, and reaching agreements for the concurrent reduction of nuclear stockpiles. The end of the cold war leaves the world with an unprecedented opportunity to secure peace and prosperity, and we must do all that we can to take full advantage of it. I believe it is even conceivable that Russia and some of the other former Eastern bloc countries could join with us in NATO, in a commitment to our mutual security that grows constantly in scale and strength.

The defence of the realm is the most important responsibility of the British government, and it is one that the Conservatives have already proven we take seriously. As we begin to reduce our nuclear stockpiles, I want to see more investment moving into our conventional forces; particularly, in the development of a carrier battle group strategy which enables the British Armed Forces to deploy rapidly anywhere in the world, operating from even the most hostile waters. We must continue to secure aerial and naval superiority in the world, whilst recognising that wars cannot be won with smart bombs and landing craft alone: we need to invest in our soldiers and in our defence staff, and that is why I would implement a full review of all military equipment to ensure that it is fit for purpose in the modern age.

I also want to give veterans of our armed forces unprecedented rights and protections in our society - better pay, stronger pensions and more welfare rights, including an exclusive first right to council house places. We must reward those who give such selfless service to our nation and the world.

But it is senseless to maintain a comprehensive and effective armed forces if you are not prepared to use them when wrong is being committed in the world. I believe in a doctrine that I call humanitarian interventionism; for all that it takes for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing, and our men and women - the best in the world - must not stand idly by when fellow human beings face oppression or genocide.

Events unfolding in Bosnia are deeply concerning, and it is my profound view that the armed forces should be deployed to protect civilians, to uphold the peace, and to firmly say no to the despotic bullies in the Serbian government who wish to ride roughshod over international law. We must stand up to thugs as we did in September 1939, and we must take the world with us when we do so.

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you.
[Image: 2ez3gwn.png]
Rt Hon. James Yates PC, MP
Member of Parliament for Ryedale

Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs
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#11
Should have posted this an hour ago but as of 1.30pm campaigning opened.

Good luck to all, don't kill each other

(If you want to speak to an audience you can, ask permission first, we also arent restricting audiences to people who speak, so if one person already has spoken to the TRG for example others can as well)
Dan

Head Administrator (For all game matters)

PoliticsUK

"Si vis pacem, para bellum" 
Reply
Thanks given by:
#12
Speech - 2 hours

Ladies and gentlemen,

I believe in creating a fairer Britain. A Britain in which it doesn’t matter where you come from, but who you are: where your background, your race and your sex are an irrelevance, but in which where you want to go is the key to your future. I want to see a Britain in which all who aspire are empowered to achieve; where hard work is rewarded and where anyone can find the security of home ownership, the opportunity of good work, the support they need to start a business - a government that will support them in making their future brighter.

To achieve this, Britain needs an economy that works for everyone - an economy that’s competitive, open and above all, fair. That’s why I want to put forward a suite of proposals which I believe will extend the bounds of prosperity to all.

On tax, I am a traditional conservative - I believe that lower taxes set people and businesses free to save, to invest, to prosper. I believe that rates of VAT, and of the so-called “sin taxes” on tobacco and alcohol, are simply too high. These are regressive taxes which hit the poorest hardest. I am therefore committed to reducing VAT, cutting the sin taxes, and putting pounds back into people’s pockets. In partnership with these efforts, we must simplify the tax system. National Insurance Employer’s Contributions are a tax on jobs, preventing businesses from taking on more staff and cutting unemployment further. My eventual aim would be to abolish employer’s contributions, and fold employee’s contributions into the basic rate of income tax by unifying the thresholds for payment - a distinctive simplification of the system.

Now, of course, this all means that in terms of raw numbers, the rate of income tax will go up. But with cuts to VAT, more people in gainful employment and a broadening of the personal allowance, I will ensure that nobody in this country is worse off than they were before. And for the poorest, who desperately need a break - a cut in their weekly food bill - and for the small business owners, the publicans and the entrepreneurs who need a hand to get on to the ladder, the cost of taxation will go down.

Because I believe, as a conservative, that you don’t create fairness and equality by taxing more at the top and throwing the money at the wall in a vain hope that some of it will stick. I believe that you create fairness and equality by lifting the poor out of poverty - by putting money back into people’s pockets and by giving them the opportunity to aspire, achieve and get on.

My eventual aim will also be to abolish capital gains tax. We should be encouraging investment in capital, not punishing it. And as I make it easier to do business in this country, I will make it harder for firms to hide assets overseas and to avoid paying their fair share by closing some of the tax loopholes that have for too long been exploited.

A fairer Britain is a more prosperous Britain, and by changing the tax regime in this country for the better we will enable businesses and families to thrive.

I am committed to the European Exchange Rates Mechanism, which will achieve our goal of lowering inflation to a consistently tolerable level. The fight against inflation is the most important political and economic issue of our time; for too long it has eroded savings and damaged the value of the pound in people’s pocket. We must grapple with this monster and get it under control, and I am committed wholesale to doing so.

Creating a fairer economy means creating an economy in which everyone feels they have a stake and an opportunity, whatever their background.

Conservatives have always believed in the duty of the state to provide citizens with opportunities to find work, and to support those who are out of or unable to work. We have also always believed in the duty of the citizen to ask not what his country can do for him, but what he can do for his country - to actively seek work, to participate readily in our growing economy, and to provide for his family as best he can. The working men and women of Britain are the threads which hold the fabric of our society together; where there is systemic unemployment, we see higher crime, higher rates of children growing up without fathers, and higher rates of truancy and ill health. It is clear that to work is to pursue the path to prosperity - to get up every morning, as so many millions of hardworking Britons unflinchingly do each day, and to toil away to provide for your household is not only a responsibility: it is a privilege. It is a privilege for people to have the opportunity to earn money, a privilege for people to have the chance to better themselves. It is a privilege that the Conservatives would extend to every person in this country, so that everyone may aspire and achieve, innovating and creating, driving productivity growth and leading the world into the future in our world-leading and world-beating industries.

But job creation is now at risk, and the risk is real and growing. The Labour government committed in its election manifesto to introduce a national minimum wage. Let me be clear from the word go: I will oppose this reckless and economically dangerous policy. Introducing a national minimum wage runs the risk of raising the wage floor above the point of equilibrium between supply and demand in the labour market, upsetting the delicate balance of market forces, and will inevitably lead to a rise in unemployment. A national minimum wage is nothing more or less than a hinderance to employers and a rebuke to rising employment rates. Furthermore - and you may think it an unusual argument to come from the mouth of a Tory, but nonetheless - a national minimum wage risks wiping out the collective bargaining power of the trades unions, rolling back the democratising power of the unions in protecting workers across a variety of industries. I believe in a decent payslip for all workers; but the way to achieve this is to create more wealth, to help businesses to raise their profits, and to help people keep more of their earnings by lowering the rate of taxation. These are the measures that will lead to greater prosperity for hardworking families: not some arbitrary intervention in the free market.

So I will oppose Labour's national minimum wage, and I will oppose further attempts to corrupt job creation by increasing the tax and regulatory burden on employers and individuals. The Conservatives under my leadership will stand up for the little guy against the behemoth of government red tape; the family business, the small corner shop, the urban factory and the office block will have our backing - not the mandarins of Whitehall and the intelligentsia of the think-tank class.

I accept that the government needs to play an active role in helping people to find work, and to build upon their skills with comprehensive training and development opportunities when they are in work. I firmly believe that employers have the first responsibility to train up their workforce; but individuals must have the power to invest in training for themselves too. Employers have the primary responsibility for training their workforces in job-related skills. But individuals should be given the power to invest in training. I will invest public money for training in Personal Training Allowances which individuals - for example, women returning to the labour force after childbirth or the long-term unemployed looking to gain new skills to move into work - can use to gain the skills they need. I would seek to kickstart this programme for up to a million people.

We need to do more to prevent the development of what is becoming an underclass in British society, helping people into work and back into work for good. We will encourage employers to take on those who have suffered unemployment for more than two years with a tax rebate, paid for from National Insurance Contributions. Long-term unemployment is a scourge on our society; it leads to familial breakdown, it leads to crime, and it leads inexorably to poverty. The best route out of poverty, out of crime, out of hopelessness and despair, is work - good, hard work. We will get Britons back to work and make work pay for hardworking Britons.

Prosperity needs to be built from the bottom up. I will establish one-stop regional development agencies to co-ordinate regional economic development, help small business and encourage inward investment.

The UK must be positively committed to the global pursuit of new knowledge, with a strong science base in our universities and centres of excellence leading the world. I want to reform university funding to ensure that our higher education facilities are better funded than they have ever been before. And alongside academic study in universities, I want to strengthen the role of apprenticeships in the modern workplace - creating thousands more opportunities for young people to earn and learn.

Ladies and gentlemen, another Britain is possible. A Britain of fairness and opportunity. A fairer Britain is what my leadership campaign offers, and I hope that it will find popular support across this nation.

Thank you.
[Image: 2ez3gwn.png]
Rt Hon. James Yates PC, MP
Member of Parliament for Ryedale

Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs
Reply
Thanks given by:
#13
SPEECH - 2 hours

Conservative party Leadership candidate, and Shadow Home Secretary, Calum Douglas Wilson made a speech to a gathering of the Conservative Way Forward group where he made the case for his leadership platform.

"Ladies and Gentlemen,
 
It is such an honour to address this gathering tonight. We are faced with an unfortunate position, to have to elect a new leader so soon. Trust me when I say I did not want to run for the leadership but I feel compelled to as this party needs a strong leader who can guide us to electoral victory and be able to prepare the party to do so quickly. We must realise the very real possibility of an early election as the Government is anything but strong or stable. I firmly believe of the candidates who have declared an intention to run that I offer the policy platform most likely to deliver this.
 
I believe in a true form of Conservatism, and frankly the party has been lacking that kind of vision for some while. The British public are clearly not embracing the sopping wet ‘conservatism’ that the Mr Major and now the Shadow Employment and Welfare Secretary have tried to sell to the party. The British public don’t want it, it’s not truly conservative so why do we keep trying to sell it to the people and ourselves. If we wish to truly replicate the wonderful results that Baroness Thatcher achieved for this party then we must do as she did and embrace a truly conservative platform, we must show the British public why conservatism and the Conservative party holds the best future for them. It is not the job of the party to pander to the centrists and the left, it is their duty to stand by their principles and show the people why our vision works for the country and for the people who reside in it.
 
One of the biggest issues this party faces is over the European question, I say now enough is enough, we have sold our Sovereignty piece by piece to the Bureaucrats on the continent and for the sake of our nation we must stop. The British people did not agree to give this level of control over British laws to unelected, faceless civil servants when they voted to join the common market. It is time to offer the British people a referendum, we must let them have a say and, God willing, to let them take back their sovereignty so that we, the people who live and work in this country, and who know this nation best, can run our affairs. Instead my opponent would rather kowtow to Europe. He speaks of “being a leader” in Europe but then immediately went on to speak French, that is not leading that is conforming. The very real possibility of further integration into the EC happening makes it clear that it is time to stop this failed project in Europe before it goes too far. 
 
That said I am not unwilling to work with our friends in Europe, whom we have a shared history and a mutually respected friendship with. But I want Britain to do it and still retain its sovereignty. It is just wrong that the mother of all parliaments is chained and restricted by Brussels. It is time to free her from these shackles and let Britain take pride in herself and restore herself to be not just a leader in Europe, the Commonwealth and NATO, but a World Leader. I wish to reach out to the new Russian Government to help the nation recover from the vicious and deadly effects communism had on a once great nation. The threat from Communism is declining but I believe that Russia and our nation will face a new threat and that we will have to work together to combat it, whatever it may be. Therefore I will reach out to Russia and invite them to join us in keeping each other safe and defended from other threats. Something which we regretfully failed to do in the 20th century.
 
But we also need to do more to tackle the problems that lie on our very doorstep. Crime, Poverty and Homelessness, all are issues that cause deep problems in our nation. 
 
I believe firmly in law and order and we must ensure the British people are kept safe from threats both foreign and domestic. We must protect our liberties and to do this we need security; as Shadow Home Secretary I outlined a plan to tackle crime extensively, with a particular focus on stamping out organised crime and terrorism on our shores. I plan to continue pushing for this and hope to bring our party into Government to implement that policy and make it law. I also recognise that successive Governments have failed to recognise the efforts of those who keep us safe and uphold law and order in the UK. Veterans have been made homeless and shunned by society, we do not take the proper pride in those who have made sacrifices to serve and defend our country. Therefore as leader I would task my frontbench with creating a new policy which will aim to give our veterans the help they need to transition stably back to civilian life and give them the proper advantages that their sacrifice and service merits. This will include a Veteran’s ID being issued to all ex-service personnel, who served honourably, to properly allow them to identify themselves as the heroes that they are.
 
I also believe that we must seek to preserve Law and Order across the world if we are to seek a role in which we lead. The events orchestrated by the Serbian Government in Bosnia are in blatant disregard for International Law and for any sense of human decency. I wholeheartedly support military intervention in order to protect the lives of the people living in the area. We cannot stand idly on the sidelines and allow this to happen, if we do we are no better than the perpetrators of such horrific acts. There is a time to act and it is now, therefore as leader I will push for the UK and her allies to take an active role in upholding international law and protecting the lives of innocents.

We must also look at allowing people to prosper properly, this means cutting out a lot of unnecessary bureaucracy and allowing small businesses to thrive in this nation. If the nation does well our people do well and we will not manage to achieve this through over-regulation or by placing restrictions on business. We cannot properly solve the problem of poverty if our economy performs poorly, as such for the good of the people we must strengthen it to allow more freedom and opportunities to flourish. 
 
I believe we must preserve those essential freedoms: Life, Liberty and Property. That is the core principle which the Conservative Party must adhere to but we cannot do this by remaining in the EC, which so fantastically displays the problems of over-regulation and excessive red-tape bureaucracy. Therefore, if we wish to protect those three rights we must defend our sovereignty and seek to restore it to its former strength. 
 
If our nation is to regain its former strength and glory then one thing above all is vital, unity. I do not speak of party unity, I do not even speak of Government unity, I speak of national unity. We cannot allow any division of this great nation to come about, I whole heartedly believe that any attempt to devolve powers to the nations that make up the UK are bound to lead to separation and renewed tensions between our people. Ladies and Gentlemen we cannot head into the new millennium as a divided nation, we must go into it as a united nation, the United Kingdom. Whilst there are some cultural differences between the constituent nations that is not good enough cause to break up the beautiful partnership that has lasted almost 300 years. As a proud Scotsman myself I will fight tooth and nail to keep this union together but I also understand the frustrations and as such I will ensure that this party does not neglect to pay attention to the frustrations of the people of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
 
It is vital to our cause that we show the British people that we are the party of Britain, we stand up for Britain’s interests in the world and prioritise ensuring the safety and prosperity of this nation. We must look forward to the 21st century whilst also maintaining our traditions, our values and our integrity, we cannot allow the progression of time to facilitate the degradation of our culture and our society. Just because time goes by does not mean we have to change beliefs that we have held to for centuries, not every idea becomes outdated, some must stand the test of time because they are integral to our society so as Conservative Party leader I would take a strong stance against any policy which may seek to wreck our moral fibre. 
 
Ladies and Gentlemen, multiple visions have been put forward to the party and many more will be put forward I imagine. But I say to you today that my vision for the party’s future, one where economic freedom, personal security and strong moral stances are combined with the desire to preserve our independence and our culture, is the right way forward not just for the Conservative Party but for the British nation and her people. I strongly believe that if anyone can lead us back into Government, it is me and I hope to rely on your support in the upcoming leadership contest.
 
Thank you all."

*Permission to speak to group granted by Dan
Calum Douglas Wilson MP
Fmr. Shadow Home Secretary (1992)
Fmr. Conservative Party Chief Whip (1992)
Conservative and Unionist Party
Monday Club
MP for Windsor & Maidenhead

Reply
Thanks given by:
#14
SPEECH - 2 Hours

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honor to speak to you today.

I am standing for leader of the Conservative Party because I want us to recapture the courageous radicalism that motivated one of our greatest Prime Ministers, Baroness Thatcher, and led us to three great election victories. When others would say, "you cannot possibly do that," or "this cannot succeed," our party pressed on, not bowing to every wind or poll result, striving toward the goal of a stronger and more prosperous United Kingdom.And while it is true we fell just short in this last election, I would say that was because we no longer offered a real alternative, being content to rest upon our laurels, looking tired and worn out, and, dare I say it, saying "yes, but" to much of what Labour campaigned on.

There are many things I happen to agree with in the speeches that have already been given by my distinguished colleagues. I will not rehash everything and set out a program to the nth detail today. There is a time and a place for that. But today I am sketching out a broad vision with some specific policy illustrations. I want out party to unite behind a platform of bold colors and not pale pastels, a platform that presents radical solutions to the challenges confronting us. In doing so, I submit to you that I am acting in the best traditions of our party in this era.

When I consider the state of our economy, and the state of our people, the first priority must be wealth creation. For decades our country had seemingly forgotten that imperative. We regained some sense of what we needed to do in the 1980s, a time that was not without challenge, but a time in which real personal income rose dramatically.

What policies will allow us to maximize economic growth, to raise incomes across the board, and create a flourishing private sector that produces the most goods and services?

Certainly, fighting inflation has been an imperative. When inflation is high, borrowers are privileged over savers; consumption outpaces investment; pensioners lose out to speculators. One of the Conservative Party's greatest successes was breaking the back of inflation in the early 1980s. Because the problem had been allowed to fester for so long, the cure was unfortunately very painful. But the patient, our economy, has recovered and has become more efficient and productive. It makes sense to save and invest again. I believe that the primary goal of monetary policy is to combat inflation by whatever means necessary, and if I were to lead a Conservative Government, that is what I will do.

It also is vital that we reward work and investment, or, I should say, that we do not excessively penalize it. When taxes are high, particularly marginal rates of taxation, there is little incentive to work and invest. That is why I call upon our party to embrace a two tiered income and investment tax structure of 15 and 30%, which is very similar to the tax reform enacted in America in the late 1980s. The last thing we should do is to raise the income tax. Indirect taxes are a far more efficient way of raising revenue, and again, we must move absolutely to reward work and investment. And we can reduce or eliminate deductions that cost money, while broadening the family exemption, recognizing that people trying to raise a family deserve that kind of support.

Government can also support families by showing more respect for family values. While some of the social reforms of the late 1960s have their place, certainly we do not want to criminalize sexual relations between adults, and reinstituting the death penalty would be a very grave action, given the possibility of executing the innocent, a tragedy that led to the abolition of the death penalty in the first place, nonetheless the conscience of our country has to be bothered by the prevalence of divorce, and the ending of life before it is born. Are there not ways in which we can compassionately address these issues to reduce their frequency? Does not the state of our families and the preservation of human life concern all of us at some level?

A major economic AND social issue is the National Health Service. It is currently supported by general tax receipts. That has to change. People need to know what they are getting for their financial support for the NHS. Therefore, any government I lead will change NHS funding to a defined, fenced-in contribution based on a flat percentage of income. This will also protect the NHS from funding fluctuations in the general budget. At the same time, while securing funding, we must critically examine what kinds of services the NHS is expected to provide. What are the absolutely necessary priorities for the NHS? And how can we increase competition and innovation within the NHS to provide better services at a reasonable cost?

This leads me to an issue that has been on everyone's minds recently, because of Labour's promises of devolution. I am entirely opposed to the devolution proposal of this government, which would stir up ancient ethnic and historical resentments and would privilege some people with a great voice and vote than others. That cynical and destructive ploy must never happen, and if it does, it must be and will be rolled back under a Conservative Government that I lead!

Having said that, there is an argument to be made for a more equitable devolution, that allows regions of our country ... including in England, which after all has most of the population ... to experiment with different ways of providing services to their people. Why does the Northeast have less of a claim on a regional assembly than Scotland or Wales? What about Cornwall? What of the Midlands? Yes, these regions are all in England, but they are hardly identical copies of one another, are they? They have developed over time in their own way, and can benefit more self-government.

As I have now mentioned the issue of government, it is now time to consider the implications of Europe, another major issue that confronts us, most specifically the question of ratifying the Maaschricht Treaty. This treaty would bind our country into an increasingly federalized Europe, including a common monetary policy, which is an inevitable precursor to a common currency. But who benefits from that? The idea that one currency can fit everyone is ludicrous, and would unfairly favor some countries with currently strong or overvalued currencies over countries with weaker currencies.

And, by submitting to the Social Charter, we will be removing some power from our own Parliament and granting it to a body that is overwhelmingly non-British. I believe that is a bridge too far for our country. And it is certainly a bridge too far for the Conservative Party. We need to be the party that speaks for a confident and world power Britain that will not be subsumed into a European superstate!

When Britain joined the Common Market in 1975, the European Economic Community was much more of a free trade area, and that is how it should have remained. But over time, more and more power has been flowing in the direction of the Brussels apparatus, and an embryonic state is in formation. While it may be beneficial for some countries to join together in this way, I am not at all convinced it is beneficial for Britain. We cannot assume that our interests and values will always line up perfectly with those of our friends on the Continent, although I hope they usually will. We have just as much, if not more, in common with our friends across the Atlantic, and in the Anglosphere around the world. Might this not be the occasion to re-examine the vision of Winston Churchill, who pressed for an ever closer partnership with the Atlantic and Pacific powers that we initially birthed?

It goes without saying that Britain must remain in NATO and continue to hold a leading role in that organization. We must maintain Trident and work closely with the United States as a naval power, which would include, as one of my colleagues has suggested, increasing the presence of carrier or other combat battle groups for the navy. Strong armed forces were vital in the Cold War, and continue to be vital today, as the Gulf War indicated, and the Balkans may call for.

It is time for our party to again show boldness and courage, and propose new ideas. It is time to go forward, together, confident in our common heritage, and knowing that we have it within us to capture the future. I would be honored to have your support in this endeavor. Thank you.

Canvassing: Nicholas Wandsworth (1 hour - 3 hours remaining)


Nicholas Wandsworth met with Conservative activists and MP associations to discuss these three economic issues:

1. Tax Reform: two rates of 15 and 30% for income tax; large family allowance; reduce other deductions
2. Pension Reform: move to a system of defined contributions over time for sustainability
3. NHS Reform: dedicated funding stream for the NHS; increase competition within the system
Nicholas Wandsworth
Leader of the Opposition (1992-)
Member of Parliament for North Wiltshire (1983-)


Conservative and Unionist Party - Conservative Way Forward
 


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NB: per Dan's permission, my speech was to the Conservative Way Forward group.
Nicholas Wandsworth
Leader of the Opposition (1992-)
Member of Parliament for North Wiltshire (1983-)


Conservative and Unionist Party - Conservative Way Forward
 


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Canvassing - Nicholas Wandsworth (1 hour - 2 hours remaining)


Nicholas Wandsworth discusses Europe with conservative activists and MPs:

1. The best Europe is a free trade area
2. I am opposed to Britain becoming subsumed into a federal Europe
3. If this Government forces through Maaschricht, any Conservative Government I lead will withdraw from it.

Canvassing - Nicholas Wandsworth (1 hour - 1 hour remaining)

Nicholas Wandsworth discusses the topic of energy with Conservative activists and MPs


1. My goal is to move away from polluting coal power and into clean nuclear energy
2. We can double our nuclear power generation within the next ten years by creating an Anglo-French Nuclear Power Authority
3. We will continue North Sea oil production
Nicholas Wandsworth
Leader of the Opposition (1992-)
Member of Parliament for North Wiltshire (1983-)


Conservative and Unionist Party - Conservative Way Forward
 


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Speech

Ladies and gentlemen,

I have said time and time again that I believe in creating a fairer Britain. An economy and a society in which everyone feels they have a stake; a future which everyone can grasp - a nation in which it matters not where you come from, but where you’re going.

That concept is what stands at the heart of my agenda. The idea that we should have a meritocracy in this country; where anyone can achieve anything that is within their aspirations, and where everyone gets the same decent shot in life.

The first tenet of necessary reform is political reform.

If we are to create a country in which all feel equal and all feel that they are treated fairly, we must ensure that we have a political system in which people can have faith - in which people can trust.

So, I want to clean up politics. At the recent election, there was a lot of talk about proportional representation - and on this matter, I am not ashamed to say that I have come to the conclusion that I agree with the Liberal Democrats. It is patently unfair that the Labour Party may win 39% of the popular vote and yet bag over 50% of the seats, at the expense of smaller parties. I feel that people, on the whole, have asked time and time again for a more collaborative, conciliatory, European style of politics: a politics in which parties work together, and in which politicians drop their foolish pretence that all the good in the world is in them and that all the evil in the world is in their opponents. And so, as leader of the Conservative Party, I would adopt as my policy the proposal that our broken electoral system should be replaced with the single transferable vote method, which is already used to great success in Ireland and has been for generations.

I also accept that reform of the House of Lords is long overdue. I do not support an elected second chamber; to create such a behemoth would undermine the power of the Commons and duplicate existing functions. It would likely give a government total control over Parliament, damaging accountability and the power of our elected representatives. But I do believe that hereditary peers, Lords who earn their seat in Parliament simply by an accident of birth, should be removed from our upper chamber. Instead, the Lords should be made up of experts from various fields - life peers, appointed by independent commission - who would serve time-limited terms and be strictly non-partisan in their approach. This would, I feel, strengthen our democratic institutions and strengthen the sovereignty of our people.

I oppose devolution. The sovereignty of the British Parliament must be absolute, as must be the integrity of our precious union of nations. But I do believe that reform is needed to make Westminster more directly accountable to the people of England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales. That is why I would propose reforms to resolve the West Lothian Question.

But it is not just political reform that will ensure people feel they are living in a fairer country. We must extend the bounds of opportunity to all, from the bottom up, and ensure that we are doing more to protect and progress the aspirations of the many.

It starts, of course, in education. I want to see comprehensive reform of our education system, giving teachers the freedom to teach and schools the freedom to innovate and react to local needs. To that end, I want to give every school in the nation the unequivocal right to become a grant-maintained school - operating independently of local authority politics and making their own investment and management decisions. This, I feel, will encourage best practice, competition and innovation in our schools. We also need to accept that not all students learn at the same pace; so I would implement a policy of “setting” pupils according to ability, within comprehensive schools, to ensure that teachers are able to respond effectively to the needs of every group.

We should apply the same approach - autonomy, freedom, innovation - in healthcare. I want to see powers devolved to individual hospitals and NHS Trusts, able to make their own decisions about priorities and able to innovate and explore new methods of clinical excellence. I would implement legislation to give patients the power to choose their own GP and to choose which hospital they wished to attend for non-emergency medical care, creating a “race to the top” in terms of clinical excellence.

These and other vital reforms to our public services will mean that we can build a better, stronger society.

Thank you!
[Image: 2ez3gwn.png]
Rt Hon. James Yates PC, MP
Member of Parliament for Ryedale

Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs
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